Predictably, the NEJM is totally in favor of mandates since the medical establishment is blind to the various covid scandals and hoaxes as well as the rampant corruption and abuses in medicine itself. But they do point out a means by which a nation-wide mandate could be implemented (or blocked): at the state level. The same level at which the CDC’s ridiculous “
The time is NOW to begin educating state legislators re: the facts about covid and about the ongoing vaccine catastrophes, both covered extensively on this site and many others.
Note the machiavellian and totalitarian mindset evident in the bolded passages below. Naturally institutional medicine will be the last to notice that the public is fast running out of gullibility about medical infallibility. See circumcision, obstetrical abuse, psychiatric quackery and vaccination itself.
Ensuring Uptake of Vaccines against SARS-CoV-2
… Although a vaccine remains months to years away, developing a policy strategy to ensure uptake takes time. We offer a framework that states can apply now to help ensure uptake of the vaccine when it becomes available — including consideration of when a mandate might become appropriate. Our approach is guided by lessons from U.S. experiences with vaccines for the 1976 “swine flu,” H1N1 influenza, smallpox, and human papillomavirus (HPV). ….
If the proposed trigger criteria were met, what might a vaccination mandate look like? Because the constitutional power to protect public health rests primarily with states, each state will need to adopt its own legislation. Proposed legislation should be supported by attestations from the state health officer, the ACIP, or another expert committee that all trigger criteria have been met. Targeted SARS-CoV-2 vaccination mandate policies may also be appropriate in certain federal contexts, including high-risk groups in active-duty military environments, Veterans Affairs facilities, federal prisons, and immigration detention centers.
Although state vaccination mandates are usually tied to school and day care entry, that approach is not appropriate for SARS-CoV-2 because children won’t be a high-priority group. In addition, state mandates should not be structured as compulsory vaccination (absolute requirements); instead, noncompliance should incur a penalty. Nevertheless, because of the infectiousness and dangerousness of the virus, relatively substantive penalties could be justified, including employment suspension or stay-at-home orders for persons in designated high-priority groups who refuse vaccination. Neither fines nor criminal penalties should be used, however; fines disadvantage the poor, and criminal penalties invite legal challenges on procedural due-process grounds. Both are bad public health policy for a Covid-19 vaccine because they may stoke distrust without improving uptake.
The need to build public trust requires that state officials implement vaccination policy through a transparent and inclusive process, working closely with stakeholder groups such as local health officers, health professional and hospital associations, representatives of high-risk population groups, and groups concerned about vaccine safety. States’ experience with HPV vaccination mandates offers another process tip: vaccine manufacturers should stay on the sidelines. The HPV vaccine manufacturer’s direct involvement in crafting and lobbying for mandate legislation raised suspicion that profit rather than public health motives lay behind such proposals, undercutting support for vaccination even without a mandatory regime.5
As with social distancing orders, we can expect that the advent of SARS-CoV-2 vaccines will spark intense clashes of feeling about what people owe to one another in the fight against the pandemic. In contrast to earlier phases of the pandemic, though, we currently have some time on our side. Careful deliberation now about state vaccination policy can help ensure that we have a strategy when the breakthrough comes.