This was just one of a fairly constant stream of often mainstream reports of the time linking guatemalan, salvadoran, nicaraguan and honduran death squads to US military training and support. THIS WAS NOT AN ABERRATION. See below how it ties into the current day. And if you think they’d never try such a thing here, remember 9/11. Are you capable of questioning what you’ve been told about 9/11? The purpose of propaganda is to make such questions impossible. But the physical evidence is right in your face if you just open your eyes and think. You don’t have to be a physicist to understand most of the stuff you’ll find in the reference section. You just need to be capable of thinking for yourself.
Outraged by the October 31  bombing of a union office that killed 10 people, Salvadoran labor leaders and the leftist Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) immediately blamed the armed forces and the right-wing government of President Alfredo Cristiani.
Those allegations were bolstered the next day in Washington by a Salvadoran army deserter who told journalists that the San Carlos army barracks in San Salvador housed a special unit of military hit men.
Cesar Vielman Joya Martinez, 28, says he was a member of the First Infantry Brigade’s intelligence unit. He was initially in charge of capturing suspected leftist subversives and gathering information from informants. Later he was promoted to a special hit squad within the intelligence unit that executed prisoners after they had been interrogated. He says his job was to kill prisoners, mask the army’s involvement in the murders and then dispose of the bodies.
“My job was only to kill,” he says, claiming that the murders were conducted on the written order of the First Infantry Brigade commander, Col. Francisco Elena Fuentes.
Joya Martinez says he participated in eight of the more than 70 death-squad executions that the First Brigade conducted during the first seven months in 1989. He usually strangled his victims, slit their throats, or injected them with poison. The hit squad was under strict orders not to kill with fire-arms, because the bullets might be traced back to the military.
`Have you ever seen the look on the face of someone as you cut their throat?’ he asks. `I know I cannot bring back the dead, but I can stop [the death squads] from continuing to operate the same way.’
Joya Martinez claims he was forced to flee El Salvador after a failed operation publicly linked the First Brigade to the death squads. His superiors were, he says, setting him up to be the fall guy so they could murder him and provide deniability for the bungled operation.
He also says the hit squad operated with the tacit support of two U.S. military officers who helped finance the group’s activities, and worked in the intelligence unit’s headquarters. He says the U.S. officers helped finance the group’s activities by writing checks for its operating expenses.
Although the U.S. officers were briefed on the unit’s activities, they were not given reports on the executions, Joya Martinez says, adding that the Americans appeared unwilling to know about the operations they were funding.
`We provided them with copies of all the reports from our agents on clandestine captures, interrogations, the results of interrogations, other operations, but we did not provide them with reports on the executions. They did not want to hear of the actual killings.’
According to Joya Martinez, when the death squad’s civilian vehicles began to draw attention inside the intelligence unit’s restricted compound, the U.S. officers agreed to rent a safe house for the assassination unit. But, he adds, the U.S. advisors did not want to know how it would be used. `I do not believe the American advisers could not have known what we were doing,’ he says. `They funded everything we did.’ […]
Blood Money — Assassin says he slit throats while U.S. wrote checks
In These Times, Nov 15-21,’89;info on 1st Brigade dating to 11/1/89
AUMF Provides No Geographic Limits to Fight ISIL – White House
Geographic limitations are not being included in US President Barack Obama’s draft authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF) against the Islamic State terrorist group to deter them moving into neighboring territory unharmed, White House spokesperson Josh Earnest said during a press briefing on Wednesday.
“There are no geographic limitations included in this specific draft legislation,” Earnest said. “If necessary, it would preserve the ability of the President [Obama], the commander and chief to order military operations against ISIL or ISIL-affiliated groups in other countries.”
Earnest stressed that the United States does not want to give the impression to the Islamic State that the extremist militant group can “establish a safe haven somewhere else,” out of reach from US military capability.
“That is why we’ve been clear about not including a geographic limitation in this [AUMF] proposal,” Earnest said.
Carl Levin explaining that despite the whitehouse’s supposed protest against the indefinite detention without trial of US citizens under the NDAA of 2012, it was actually obama that insisted on it in private. Old news I know, but it just goes to show that the police state agenda is very much a bipartisan affair.
“The dictatorship, and the whole process of its coming into being, was above all diverting. It provided an excuse not to think for people who did not want to think anyway. I do not speak of your ‘little men,’ your baker and so on; I speak of my colleagues and myself, learned men, mind you. Most of us did not want to think about fundamental things and never had. There was no need to. Nazism gave us some dreadful, fundamental things to think about—we were decent people—and kept us so busy with continuous changes and ‘crises’ and so fascinated, yes, fascinated, by the machinations of the ‘national enemies,’ without and within, that we had no time to think about these dreadful things that were growing, little by little, all around us. Unconsciously, I suppose, we were grateful. Who wants to think?
“To live in this process is absolutely not to be able to notice it—please try to believe me—unless one has a much greater degree of political awareness, acuity, than most of us had ever had occasion to develop. Each step was so small, so inconsequential, so well explained or, on occasion, ‘regretted,’ that, unless one were detached from the whole process from the beginning, unless one understood what the whole thing was in principle, what all these ‘little measures’ that no ‘patriotic German’ could resent must some day lead to, one no more saw it developing from day to day than a farmer in his field sees the corn growing. One day it is over his head.”